Aleksic: government could call snap elections after vote
Opposition MPs say they have received no official notice of a no-confidence session, while Miroslav Aleksic warns the government is clearing the ground for snap parliamentary elections.

- Three opposition MPs, Miroslav Aleksic, Danijela Nestorovic and Radomir Lazovic, say they have received no official notice that the no-confidence session has been scheduled.
- Aleksic argues the government could dissolve parliament for snap elections once the vote is held, on terms it sets itself.
- While a request for a no-confidence session is active, the government cannot legally seek dissolution unless the prime minister resigns.
- The opposition filed the request back in February, and the date now circulating is July 27.
Opposition MPs Miroslav Aleksic (People’s Movement of Serbia), Danijela Nestorovic (Ecological Uprising) and Radomir Lazovic (Green-Left Front) say they have so far received no official confirmation that the National Assembly session on no-confidence in the government will be held this week. The date circulating in public is July 27, but, they note, no formal summons with an agenda has reached them.
Aleksic went a step further. The leader of the People’s Movement of Serbia argued that the government intends to go into the vote with a clear aim, to dissolve parliament for snap elections afterward, on terms it dictates itself. In his reading, the whole move is part of preparing the ground for an election race rather than an honest attempt to test confidence in the cabinet.
A request pending since February
The opposition filed its request for a no-confidence session back in February. Since then, the MPs say, the procedure stalled, and now a possible date is surfacing in the corridors without any formal notice. For the opposition, the sequence of moves is not a technical detail but the heart of the dispute.
The reason is a legal one. While a request for a no-confidence vote is active, the government cannot ask for the National Assembly to be dissolved. That obstacle clears in one of two ways, either the prime minister resigns or the confidence vote is held first. So the opposition reads the sudden scheduling as a mechanism that opens the road to snap elections, rather than the closing of a procedure that sat in a drawer for months.
Nestorovic and Lazovic repeated the same objection. If the session really is only days away, the MPs who requested it should be told through official channels, not through the media. The absence of a summons, they say, only deepens the suspicion that the schedule is being built around the government’s calendar rather than parliamentary procedure.
What does the legal framework actually allow?
The constitution and the rules of procedure tie the dissolution of parliament to a handful of clearly defined situations, among them the prime minister’s resignation, the failure to elect a new government within the set deadline, and a successful no-confidence vote. In none of them is the decision left to the executive’s judgment alone. That is exactly why the question of who triggers which step, and when, is so sensitive.
A no-confidence vote in this convocation carries limited practical weight, since the ruling majority still holds a comfortable lead in the chamber. Its symbolic weight is another matter. If the session passed and elections followed, the opposition would argue the vote served as cover for a move planned long in advance. The government has not publicly responded to these claims, so it remains open whether the date of the session will be formally confirmed.
For voters, the message is simpler than it looks. If snap elections really do follow, the way they came about will show how seriously parliamentary procedure is taken. Do you think a no-confidence vote should precede any call for snap elections, or is this a move the government holds in its own hands regardless?



